Luthuli, radical humanism and international society today
Sphamandla Zondi
On this day in 1967, Inkosi Albert Luthuli, was struck by train on a railway bridge in Groutville near Stanger, northern Natal, bringing to an end a life committed to freedom and develoment on the basis of transformation defined in terms resembling those propagated by radical humanists. How should this day be remembered today?
Luthuli epitomized a typical convergence amongst African middle class of his time of the cosmopolitan liberal values of human rights and social justice, and a radical commitment to transformation. He was by virtue of objective conditions part of the petit bourgeoisie born out of colonial capitalism and, by subjective choice, he was also part of the proletariat - those did not own any means of production although they sold their labour of the economy - fighting against systems of domination in both the economic and political spheres. Although a man of relative privilege, he dedicated and even risked his life by fighting political and economic domination. He might have not died in Stanger and in the way he did if he was not banished to Stanger by the apartheid regime, a mere 6 years after being awarded with the coveted Oslo Peace Prize.
I propose that in remembering this day we should recall the fact that Luthuli represented a commitment to total change in the lives of peoples of South Africa, Africa and the world - seeing these geo-political spaces in a sort of a continuum. He strongly believed that cosmopolitan "rights of man" that countries founded on liberal values espoused at home needed to be the very basis of international society. He would therefore decry the rampant hypocrisy of powerful states and some other weaker countries who today propagate democracy and rights, but continue to maintain the systems of domination inherited from imperialist ages.
Responding to a speech by the British Prime Minister, Harold McMillan, during his visit to South Africa, Luthuli applauded the affirmation of rights and non-racism, but noted that, "...we must stress that nations which, by their actions external or internal, try to keep other people in subjection, are a danger to peace not only in their own countries but also in the world. Such countries should be reprimanded and disciplined in some way in world councils."
He advocated non-racism and national unity in South Africa and elsewhere. He saw this as the essence of peace within and amongst nations. He argued strongly that such non-racism should be based on rejection of any semblance of superiority of the Cartesian and the inferiory of the 'Other.' For this reason, he would reject supremacist ideologies that are re-emerging in South Africa, in Western Europe and North America. He would reject a treatment of Africa by what radical structuralist call the Pacific Union, the West, as if it was inherently inferior and incapable to lead in the solution of its problems.
He was committed to the struggle to redeem Africa's glories not merely by unearthing its splendours that lie buried under the weight of physical destruction meted out on her or under domination of other forms that sought to deny Africa's historical significance. This is why his oft-repeated slogan was "i-Africa Mayibuye", which means Let Africa be Free. So, we would do well to push for progress in the building of a strong African Union, regional integration and in strengthening its independent voice in international fora.
He would applaud therefore the fact that after a divisive election contest Africa has finally elected a woman as a chairperson of the AU Commission in Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma. It would not be only because she belongs to the political movement he belonged to, a movement he believed should place Africa at the top of its priorities, but it would be because he believed strongly in improved African unity, built on the basis of democratic practice.
Therefore, in paying homage to Luthuli, we need a foreign policy that combines a commitment to cosmopolitan values, a commitment to African unity and progress, and a commitment to democratising the world. It is about South Africa being unashamedly in favour of the peoples and countries excluded by systems of domination, denied their right to dignity by misrule and economic domination. It would build relations with countries in the rich-core towards a new world order based on social justice, democracy and equity.
It is this spirit of radical humanism that we need to revive in us so that we can claim back our ability to act as agents of change and transformation in our countries and in the world. It is the affirmation of our ability to infuse human rights into the conduct of political and economic power tha Luthuli and his peers like Mahatma Gandhi epitomized, that we need not loose to the neoliberal fetish for individual success, cut-throat competition, domination and materialism.
Luthuli epitomized a typical convergence amongst African middle class of his time of the cosmopolitan liberal values of human rights and social justice, and a radical commitment to transformation. He was by virtue of objective conditions part of the petit bourgeoisie born out of colonial capitalism and, by subjective choice, he was also part of the proletariat - those did not own any means of production although they sold their labour of the economy - fighting against systems of domination in both the economic and political spheres. Although a man of relative privilege, he dedicated and even risked his life by fighting political and economic domination. He might have not died in Stanger and in the way he did if he was not banished to Stanger by the apartheid regime, a mere 6 years after being awarded with the coveted Oslo Peace Prize.
I propose that in remembering this day we should recall the fact that Luthuli represented a commitment to total change in the lives of peoples of South Africa, Africa and the world - seeing these geo-political spaces in a sort of a continuum. He strongly believed that cosmopolitan "rights of man" that countries founded on liberal values espoused at home needed to be the very basis of international society. He would therefore decry the rampant hypocrisy of powerful states and some other weaker countries who today propagate democracy and rights, but continue to maintain the systems of domination inherited from imperialist ages.
Responding to a speech by the British Prime Minister, Harold McMillan, during his visit to South Africa, Luthuli applauded the affirmation of rights and non-racism, but noted that, "...we must stress that nations which, by their actions external or internal, try to keep other people in subjection, are a danger to peace not only in their own countries but also in the world. Such countries should be reprimanded and disciplined in some way in world councils."
He advocated non-racism and national unity in South Africa and elsewhere. He saw this as the essence of peace within and amongst nations. He argued strongly that such non-racism should be based on rejection of any semblance of superiority of the Cartesian and the inferiory of the 'Other.' For this reason, he would reject supremacist ideologies that are re-emerging in South Africa, in Western Europe and North America. He would reject a treatment of Africa by what radical structuralist call the Pacific Union, the West, as if it was inherently inferior and incapable to lead in the solution of its problems.
He was committed to the struggle to redeem Africa's glories not merely by unearthing its splendours that lie buried under the weight of physical destruction meted out on her or under domination of other forms that sought to deny Africa's historical significance. This is why his oft-repeated slogan was "i-Africa Mayibuye", which means Let Africa be Free. So, we would do well to push for progress in the building of a strong African Union, regional integration and in strengthening its independent voice in international fora.
He would applaud therefore the fact that after a divisive election contest Africa has finally elected a woman as a chairperson of the AU Commission in Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma. It would not be only because she belongs to the political movement he belonged to, a movement he believed should place Africa at the top of its priorities, but it would be because he believed strongly in improved African unity, built on the basis of democratic practice.
Therefore, in paying homage to Luthuli, we need a foreign policy that combines a commitment to cosmopolitan values, a commitment to African unity and progress, and a commitment to democratising the world. It is about South Africa being unashamedly in favour of the peoples and countries excluded by systems of domination, denied their right to dignity by misrule and economic domination. It would build relations with countries in the rich-core towards a new world order based on social justice, democracy and equity.
It is this spirit of radical humanism that we need to revive in us so that we can claim back our ability to act as agents of change and transformation in our countries and in the world. It is the affirmation of our ability to infuse human rights into the conduct of political and economic power tha Luthuli and his peers like Mahatma Gandhi epitomized, that we need not loose to the neoliberal fetish for individual success, cut-throat competition, domination and materialism.
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